South Caucasus correspondent
Many residents of Chorvila, a village in northwest Georgia, hold Bidzina Ivanishvili in high regard, viewing him as a pivotal figure in the country’s power structure.
The village presents a scene of prosperity, with well-maintained roads and houses, and an abundance of flags representing the governing Georgian Dream party.
“All this area where you can see new houses and roads was made by our man. There was nothing without him and he did everything for us,” stated resident Mamia Machavariani, indicating various improvements within the village.
Ivanishvili is the founder of Georgian Dream (GD), which has been in power for twelve years.
For over four months, Georgians across the country have been protesting, alleging that Ivanishvili’s party rigged the elections last October. They also accuse GD of attempting to distance the nation from its European Union aspirations and steer it back towards Russia’s influence.
GD refutes these accusations. In Chorvila, however, there is an absence of criticism toward its billionaire benefactor.
Ivanishvili amassed his fortune in Russia during the 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Initially involved in computer sales, he later acquired banks and metal assets. He returned to Georgia in 2003.
Every newly married couple in Chorvila receives a $3,000 gift from Ivanishvili, according to Temuri Kapanadze, a history teacher at the local school where Ivanishvili once studied.
Unlike many schools in rural Georgia, it boasts a swimming pool and an indoor basketball court.
“He renovated the hospital, constructed two churches, and repaired all the roads, and roofs across the region,” Temuri said.
“I personally got a refrigerator, TV, a gas stove, and for five years Mr. Bidzina has been supporting us by giving 200 laris (£55) each month.”
Here, the opposition is accused of organizing the pro-EU anti-government demonstrations and exploiting young people as “tools.”
“We also want Europe, but with our traditions, and that’s what the government wants too,” said resident Giorgi Burjenidze. “We are a Christian country, and our traditions mean that men must be men, and women must be women. President Trump thinks like us too.”
Arguments echoing concerns that Europe is imposing values counter to Georgian traditions, such as LGBTQ+ rights, are frequently expressed by government officials and pro-government media outlets.
They have also downplayed the daily protests prompted by Georgian Dream’s decision to pause discussions with the European Union concerning the country’s prospective membership.
“Fire to the oligarchy” has become a central chant at the ongoing protests, addressing concerns about Bidzina Ivanishvili’s extensive influence on Georgian politics.
“Currently Georgia is ruled by an oligarch with a very Russian agenda,” stated Tamara Arveladze, 26, who has participated in the protests in Tbilisi nearly every day, advocating against what she perceives as Ivanishvili’s overwhelming impact.
“He controls everything, all the institutions, governmental forces, and resources. He treats this country as his private property and governs it as if it were his personal enterprise.”
Last month, Tamara and her boyfriend were caught up in an incident captured on mobile phones, which quickly went viral online. They were driving to a protest site and shouted, “fire to the oligarchy,” when masked policemen surrounded their car and attempted to break in.
“It happened in seconds, yet it felt like hours. I was shocked by their aggressive approach. I don’t know what could have happened if they had taken us out of the car.”
Tamara’s boyfriend had his driver’s license revoked for a year and potentially faces jail time for alleged verbal abuse directed towards the police. She was fined $3,600, a substantial sum in Georgia, where the average monthly salary is approximately $500.
Since the disputed parliamentary election, which international observers criticized, the Georgian opposition has been boycotting parliament, enabling the ruling Georgian Dream party to approve proposed legal alterations easily.
“We are observing the abuse of the law-making process,” stated Tamar Oniani, the human rights programme director at the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association.
“First, it was banning face masks, followed by the deployment of face recognition cameras in Tbilisi. This makes it easier for them to identify who is attending the rallies and impose heavy fines accordingly.”
Last month, penalties increased tenfold for impeding traffic or disobeying police orders. Tamar Oniani stated that they received approximately 150 calls in a single day from protesters who had been fined.
Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze recently dismissed the protesters as an “amorphous mass” and sarcastically expressed gratitude for their contribution in “replenishing the state budget” through significant fines.
Tamar Oniani claims that the “judiciary is fully captured” and functions as a tool targeting demonstrators, whom she says have endured physical abuse during detention.
“They were tortured simply for participating in the protest and supporting Georgia’s European future,” she said.
The government denies these allegations.
Since the commencement of the protests in November, hundreds of civil servants have lost their jobs after signing petitions that criticized the government’s decision to suspend discussions with the EU.
“The government decided to remove public sector employees who were not loyal to them,” said Nini Lezhava, who was among those who lost their positions.
She held a senior position in Georgia’s parliamentary research center, which had been responsible for generating unbiased reports for members of parliament but has since been dissolved.
“They no longer need it. They have their own policy and don’t want anyone with independent analytical skills,” she said.
Nini said a similar “cleansing” is occurring within the defense and justice ministries, and other government institutions: “It is happening in the entire public sector of Georgia”.
“They are trying to create another Russian satellite in this region. And that goes beyond Georgia and beyond the Black Sea, beyond the South Caucasus, because we see what is happening in the world. And that is a bigger geopolitical shift.”
Temuri Kapanadze, the history teacher in Chorvila, views the government’s stance on Russia differently: “There are no friends and enemies forever. Yesterday’s enemy can become today’s friend.”
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, on BBC World Service’s Assignment